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Date: April 29, 2024 Mon
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Results for socioeconomic conditions
21 results foundAuthor: MacDonald, John Title: Neighborhood Effects on Crime and Youth Violence: The Role of Business Improvement Districts in Los Angeles Summary: Despite declines in youth violence nationally in the past decade, incidence of youth violence and victimization — from assaults to homicide — continue to be a pressing public-safety and public-health concern. Youth violence is also a particular concern for low-income, minority communities, where poverty, family instability, and unemployment provide a fertile context for gangs and illicit drug markets. Due to public-safety and public-health effects of youth violence and the documented association between community socioeconomic conditions and violence, both public-safety and public-health officials and researchers have invested heavily in developing and examining community-level responses to youth violence. While some of these community-level approaches have shown evidence of effectiveness, they are often expensive, difficult to sustain, and hard to replicate. It is worthwhile then to consider community-level interventions and activities that might address underlying environmental conditions that facilitate youth violence rates in communities. This report examines the impact of business improvement districts (BIDs) on crime and youth violence in Los Angeles (L.A.). BIDs are self-organizing, local public-private organizations that collect assessments and invest in local-area service provisions and activities, such as place promotion, street cleaning, and public safety. Such activities can contribute to community-level attributes that might reduce crime and youth violence by increasing informal social control, reducing visible signs of disorder and blight, improving order maintenance, and providing enriched employment opportunities by facilitating overall improvements in the local business environment. Details: Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2009. 117p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 22, 2010 at: http://www.rand.org/pubs/technical_reports/2009/RAND_TR622.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.rand.org/pubs/technical_reports/2009/RAND_TR622.pdf Shelf Number: 113423 Keywords: Business Improvement DistrictsCrime PreventionGangsJuvenile OffendersSocioeconomic ConditionsYouth Violence |
Author: Wilson, Ronald E. Title: A Theoretical Underpinning of Neighborhood Deterioration and the Onset of Long-Term Crime Problems From Foreclosures (Working Paper) Summary: This paper proposes a theory of interaction between the social, economic and ecological settings that could produce long-term crime problems in neighborhoods that are suffering from concentrated foreclosures. It goes further and explores the possibility for accelerated neighborhood decline that may be difficult to suppress, and which may significantly shock the local economy. To do so, the authors draw on a wealth of research findings from sociology, economics, housing studies, and geography, to expand on a criminological base to make the case for their concern that concentrated foreclosures may ultimately create deviant places and severely impact the progress of the metropolitan areas within which they are set. Details: Unpublished report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2010. 46p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 19, 2010 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/230450.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/230450.pdf Shelf Number: 120017 Keywords: Neighborhoods and CrimeProperty CrimeSocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Soares, Rodrigo Title: Understanding High Crime Rates in Latin America: The Role of Social and Policy Factors Summary: This paper discusses the pattern, causes and consequence of the high crime rates observed in Latin America. Crime represents a substantial welfare loss and a potentially serious hindrance to growth. We conduct an informal assessment of the relative strength of the alternative hypotheses raised in the literature to explain the phenomenon. We argue that, despite being extremely high, the incidence of crime in the region is not much different from what should be expected based on socioeconomic and public policy characteristics of its countries. Estimates from the empirical literature suggest that most of its seemingly excessively high violence can be explained by three factors: high inequality, low incarceration rates, and small police forces. Still, country specific experiences have been different in many respects. The evidence suggests that effective policies toward violence reduction do exist and have been shown to work within the context of Latin America itself. Details: Manuscript originally prepared for the conference "Confronting Crime and Violence in Latin America: Crafting a Public Policy Agenda, July 2007. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 9, 2010 at: http://www.sebh.ecn.br/seminario_5/arquivo1.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Central America URL: http://www.sebh.ecn.br/seminario_5/arquivo1.pdf Shelf Number: 120410 Keywords: HomicideSocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime (Latin America) |
Author: Han, Lu Title: Understanding the Determinants of Property and Violent Crime in England and Wales: A Panel Data Analysis Summary: We examine various determinants of property and violent crimes by using police force area level (PFA) data on England and Wales over the period 1992-2008. Our list of potential determinants includes two law enforcement variables namely crime-specific detection rate and prison population, and various socio-economic variables such as unemployment rate, real earnings, proportion of young people and Gini Coefficient. By adopting a fixed effect dynamic GMM estimation methodology we attempt to address the potential bias that arises from the presence of time-invariant unobserved characteristics of a PFA and the endogeneity of several regressors. There is a significant positive effect of own-lagged crime rate. The own-lagged effect is stronger for property crime, on an average, than violent crime. We find that, on an average, higher detection rate and prison population leads to lower property and violent crimes. This is robust to various specifications. However, socio-economic variables with the exception of real earnings play a limited role in explaining different crime types. Details: Unpublished Paper, 2011. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 1, 2011 at: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1773913 Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1773913 Shelf Number: 121220 Keywords: Crime RatesCrime StatisticsProperty CrimeSocioeconomic ConditionsViolent Crime (U.K.) |
Author: Moncrieffe, Joy Title: Making and Unmaking the Young ‘Shotta’ [Shooter]: Boundaries and (Counter)- Actions in the ‘Garrisons’ Summary: This paper comprises a patchwork of conversations and life-stories from two of Jamaica’s reputedly violent ‘garrison’ communities. The stories come from a variety of sources, grandparents to the very young; however, the principal focus is on the children and, specifically, on how some among them – those labelled as ‘young shottas’ [shooters] are cultivated. Our storytellers expose the effects of deep-rooted economic and social inequalities; the perception that gun violence is a means to personal liberation and ‘power’, particularly among males; and the concentration of conflict within and across like neighborhoods. There are stories about social conditioning and manhood, the role of families and peers and of how children are forced to grow in contexts where there are little or no opportunities for exit and restricted spaces for change. There are also accounts of how some actual and potential ‘shottas’ are attempting to contest the physical, material and socio-psychological boundaries within and outside of their immediate communities, through what Hayward (2000) describes as ‘action upon boundaries to action’. Notably, contestation does not always comprise those productive social actions that are considered crucial for participation and vibrant citizenship; it is often much more complex, combining non violent and violent actions, ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ measures. It is important to dissect how perceptions, such as of legality and illegality, legitimacy and illegitimacy are framed for the stories indicate that in these communities such concepts can have different meanings and that what is considered indefensible in some areas may be both justified and regarded as normal practice in others. Through these forthright and compelling accounts, readers will be exposed to the routes to and experiences of different citizenships as well as the substantial challenges to transformational change, particularly for the children who were born and cultivated in these particular violent environments. Details: Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, 2008. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper 297: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Year: 2008 Country: Jamaica URL: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734559/original/1052734559-moncrieffe.2008-making.pdf?1289991772 Shelf Number: 122125 Keywords: Gun ViolencePovertySocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime (Jamaica)Youth Violence |
Author: McLean-Hilker, Lyndsay Title: Broadening Spaces for Citizens in Violent Contexts Summary: Violence and everyday insecurity are amongst the root causes of poverty: a simple and true statement that has at last been acknowledged in several international agreements, including the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence (2008) and Dili Declaration (2010). Several new funding mechanisms have even been established to support efforts to reduce violence, including those that address the special security needs of excluded groups, women, youth and children. What recent policies have failed to adequately consider, however, is that poor and dispossessed people often perceive the state as a perpetrator or accomplice - whether by active complicity or passive omission – in the violence visited upon them. For policymakers and practitioners eager to move beyond top-down approaches to reducing insecurity and violence, this policy briefing offers insights into how local residents can be directly involved in finding solutions for their security and livelihood needs. Research from a range of contexts characterised by violence and everyday insecurity suggests that external actors can help to broaden spaces where citizens can take action in non-violent, socially legitimate ways, but that success depends on gaining a locally nuanced understanding of the complex relationship between violent and non-violent actors, and between forms of everyday violence and political violence. Details: Brighton, UK: Development Research Centre on Citizenship, Participation and Accountability, 2011. 4p. Source: Internet Resource: Citizenship DRC Policy Briefing: Accessed July 20, 2011 at: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734708/original/1052734708-hilker_etal.2010-broadening.pdf?1299616068 Year: 2011 Country: International URL: http://www.drc-citizenship.org/system/assets/1052734708/original/1052734708-hilker_etal.2010-broadening.pdf?1299616068 Shelf Number: 122126 Keywords: PovertySocioeconomic ConditionsViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: International Labour Office Title: An In-Depth Analysis of Child Labour and Poverty in Honduras Summary: The present document describes the country's political, economic and social context; analyses general labour market conditions and the context within which children's work takes place; a summary of the general situation of children's work in the country; the relationship between children's work and poverty and other conditioning factors; conclusions and recommendations. Details: San José, Costa Rica, International Labour Office, 2004. 71p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 31, 2011 at: Year: 2004 Country: Honduras URL: Shelf Number: 118325 Keywords: Child Labor (Honduras)Child MaltreatmentPovertySocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio Title: The Outskirts of Hope: How Ohio’s Debtors’ Prisons Are Ruining Lives and Costing Communities Summary: During his January 8, 1964 State of the Union address, President Lyndon B. Johnson announced the launch of a “War on Poverty.” This announcement led to new programs that provided greater access to education, job training, and social assistance for financially disadvantaged people. New awareness campaigns were also launched to raise the profile of both urban and rural Americans caught in the vicious cycle of poverty, struggling to make ends meet with nearly no hope for escape. Nearly 50 years after President Johnson’s speech, poverty in America has not dissipated. In Ohio, the percentage of people living in poverty has actually grown. In 1969, 10% of the state’s population lived in poverty. By 2012, that number had risen to 16.4%.2 As in 1964, generational poverty is all too common in both rural and urban areas, but there is also a new class of suburban poor. Fueled by severe economic hemorrhaging, the number of people living in poverty in Ohio grew by 57.7% from 1999 to 2011, with the largest increase coming from suburban counties. This same phenomenon occurred throughout the Midwest, with concentrated poverty nearly doubling in Midwestern metropolitan areas between 2000 and 2009. The plight of the poor becomes both more difficult and more obvious when they have contact with the criminal justice system, where people with fewer resources often receive correspondingly worse treatment. Those in poverty cannot afford private counsel to negotiate favorable sentences. Instead, they face criminal charges with representation from overworked and underresourced public defenders. When facing only misdemeanor charges, they may have no attorneys at all. Regardless of whether or not charges could result in jail time, defendants often come away with a mountain of harsh fines and fees. For people who live paycheck to paycheck, it may be nearly impossible to pay them. The resurgence of contemporary debtors’ prisons sits squarely at this intersection of poverty and criminal justice. While this term conjures up images of Victorian England, the research and personal stories in this report illustrate that debtors’ prisons remain all too common in 21st century Ohio. In towns across the state, thousands of people face the looming specter of incarceration every day, simply because they are poor. Taking care of a fine is straightforward for some Ohioans — having been convicted of a criminal or traffic offense and sentenced to pay a fine, an affluent defendant may simply pay it and go on with his or her life. For Ohio’s poor and working poor, by contrast, an unaffordable fine is just the beginning of a protracted process that may involve contempt charges, mounting fees, arrest warrants, and even jail time. The stark reality is that, in 2013, Ohioans are being repeatedly jailed simply for being too poor to pay fines. Details: Cleveland: ACLU of Ohio, 2013. 24p Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 17, 2013 at: http://www.acluohio.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/TheOutskirtsOfHope2013_04.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.acluohio.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/TheOutskirtsOfHope2013_04.pdf Shelf Number: 128391 Keywords: FinesPoverty (Ohio, U.S.)Socioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Mercy Corps Title: Understanding Political Violence Among Youth: Evidence from Kenya on the links between youth, economic independence, social integration, and stability Summary: What makes youth prone to engage in violent movements? And what program strategies show the greatest potential to mitigate this risk? Mercy Corps recently undertook research to better understand these questions, based on data from its Local Empowerment for Peace (LEAP) project in Kenya. The study sheds light on the debate over whether young people’s economic conditions are a major driver of violence. It provides hard evidence on a number of social, political, and economic factors that influence youth propensity towards violence in Kenya. The findings have clear implications for peacebuilding programs in environments like Kenya where underlying tensions periodically erupt into violent conflict. The results of this study lend support to the further use of economic incentives and promoting social integration among youth as pillars of peacebuilding programs in Kenya and similar contexts. The research also points to the need to expand young people’s political and civic engagement to significantly reduce their risk of participation in violent movements. Several Mercy Corps programs in Kenya and other countries have already internalized this lesson and are promoting constructive avenues for political participation among youth alongside efforts to improve their economic independence. Details: Portland, OR: Mercy Corps, 2011. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 22, 2013 at: http://www.mercycorps.org/research-resources/understanding-political-violence-among-youth Year: 2011 Country: Kenya URL: http://www.mercycorps.org/research-resources/understanding-political-violence-among-youth Shelf Number: 129133 Keywords: Socioeconomic ConditionsYouth Gangs (Kenya)Youth Violence |
Author: Blessing, Jasmin Title: 'Como te haces entender?': Gender and Gun Cultures in the Caribbean Context Summary: Although Latin America and the Caribbean have not seen interstate conflict for decades, the countries in the region cannot be said to be at peace given the high levels of gun violence. In spite of the magnitude of the problem, there is relatively little research available on the social constructions of gun ownership and the use and abuse of guns, particularly in the Caribbean region. This paper examines some of the gendered impacts and readings of guns in the Caribbean region, looking at the extent at which gun violence has affected Caribbean societies, at cultural and gender norms as well as socioeconomic conditions which determine gun ownership and use and policy responses to the issue, including gender mainstreaming in security sector reform processes and civil society initiatives. The focus is on more urbanised societies in the Caribbean region, with a special focus on gun violence and responses in the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Details: Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic: United Nations International Research and Training, Institute for the Advancement of Women (INSTRAW), 2010. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: UN‑INSTRAW Working Paper Series: Accessed June 25, 2013 at: http://www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/UN/un-instraw_gendergunculturescarribbean_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Central America URL: http://www.peacewomen.org/assets/file/Resources/UN/un-instraw_gendergunculturescarribbean_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 129161 Keywords: GenderGun Violence (Caribbean)HomicidesSocioeconomic ConditionsViolent Crime |
Author: Monteiro, Joana Title: Drug Battles and School Achievement: Evidence from Rio de Janeiro's Favelas Summary: This paper examines the effects of armed conficts between drug gangs in Rio de Janeiro's favelas on student achievement. To identify the causal effect of violence on education, we explore variation in violence that occurs across time and space when gangs battle over territories. The evidence indicates that these battles are triggered by factors often exogenous to local socioeconomic conditions, such as the imprisonment or release of a gang leader, betrayals and revenge. Within-school estimates indicate that students from schools exposed to violence score less in math exams. The effect of violence increases with conflict intensity, duration, and proximity to exam dates; and decreases with the distance between the school and the conflict location. There is no evidence that the effect of violence persists for more than one year. Finally, we find that school supply is an important mechanism driving the achievement results; armed conflicts are significantly associated with higher teacher absenteeism, principal turnover, and temporary school closings. Details: Rio de Janeiro: Brazilian Institute of Economics: 2013. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Discussion Paper 006: Accessed June 28, 2013 at: http://www.ie.ufrj.br/images/pesquisa/publicacoes/2013/TD_IE_006_2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.ie.ufrj.br/images/pesquisa/publicacoes/2013/TD_IE_006_2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129191 Keywords: Drug GangsDrug TraffickingDrug ViolenceEducationFavelasPovertySlums (Brazil)Socioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Cerro, Ana Maria Title: Sources of Regional Crime Persistence Argentina 1980-2008 Summary: Crime rates vary considerably by region and these differences are found to be persistent over time. The persistence of differences in regional crime rates over time may be explained by two factors. First, differences in the regional institutional and socio-economic conditions that determine crime equilibrium levels are persistent over time. Second, the effects of shocks affecting the crime rate are persistent over time. The aim of this paper is to disentangle these two sources of regional crime persistence in Argentinean regions over 1980-2008 and subperiods for different typologies of crime. Controlling for socio-economic and deterrence effect variables, we specify an econometric model to test the persistence of shocks to crime. Results support high persistence of the effects of shocks to crime. Details: Munich: Munich Personal RePEc Archive, 2012. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: MPRA Paper No. 44482: Accessed July 13, 2013 at: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44482/ Year: 2012 Country: Argentina URL: http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44482/ Shelf Number: 129389 Keywords: Crime Rates (Argentina)Crime StatisticsSocioeconomic ConditionsSocioeconomic Variables |
Author: Okombo, Okath Title: The Challenge of Mending Ethnic Relations in the Nairobi Slums Summary: Nairobi’s informal settlements and slums were the epicentre of the post-election violence (PEV) that erupted in December 2007 and led to massive destruction of property, looting, displacement and forceful eviction of some ethnic communities from their homes. In many cases, minority rival communities were forced to relocate to other estates where their community members constitute a dominant group. Slum-based vigilante and militia groups consolidated themselves into two main rival factions in order to defend their communities and lawlessness threatened to engulf the city. Despite the fact that youth were at the centre of the crisis, most interventions that were initiated soon after the PEV failed to involve them. It is against this background that the Citizens Against Violence (CAVi) in partnership with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) sought to make a contribution to the country’s peace restoration effort, targeting six affected slums in Nairobi. In 2008, the “slum tenants and landlords dialogues” series began. This was a special intervention to reduce ethnic tension and reconcile the two groups so that residents could return to their homes. This led to the formation of interest groups representing the landlords and tenants respectively for purposes of formal negotiation, paving the way for some landlords to recover their houses and tenants to move back. The initiative also enabled youth and community leaders to deliberate on postpoll challenges in their estates as a step towards finding sustainable solutions to violence. Issues of cultural assimilation, access to land titles, widespread poverty and unemployment among the youth and fanatical support for some political players emerged as challenges that could still precipitate future ethnic conflicts. Candid discussions provoked many of the young leaders in the slums to aspire for better living conditions and improved socio-ethnic relations. This led in 2009 to the launch of the Nairobi Slums Assembly, a forum in which the young leaders from the six slums met every month to discuss specific issues affecting their particular environments and to come up with proposals which they then shared with the provincial administration, the police and elected leaders. In many cases, this has led to positive change as well as the building of bridges with the authorities. However, more work needs to be done. Integrated ethnic co-existence may be difficult to achieve in the urban slums without a multi-pronged effort by both government and civil society. It is our hope that sharing the findings of the project with a wider group of stakeholders will mobilize public interest and goodwill towards improving the conditions in the Nairobi slums for sustainable peace and socio-economic development. Details: Nairobi, Kenya: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), 2010. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 2, 2013 at: http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/kenia/07884.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Kenya URL: http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/kenia/07884.pdf Shelf Number: 129508 Keywords: LootingPoverty and CrimeSlums (Nairobi, Kenya)Socioeconomic ConditionsVigilantismViolence |
Author: Olojo, Akinola Title: Nigeria's Troubled North: Interrogating the Drivers of Public Support for Boko Haram Summary: Over the past decade, the northern region of Nigeria has experienced a surge in terrorist violence instigated by the sectarian group known as Boko Haram. Several analysts have advanced the view that poverty, longstanding economic disparities within Nigeria, and structural violence, are key factors underlying the crisis. However, the complex nature of the situation in Nigeria has at the same time caused some observers to characterise Boko Haram's aggression as violent extremism beyond a domestic agenda. The group's use of suicide attacks particularly presents a dreadful trait typical of international terrorist violence; a style of brutality hitherto alien to the Nigerian state. Nevertheless, Boko Haram has been able to draw upon a considerable base of local sympathy and support largely from the ranks of uneducated, unemployed and impoverished youths in northern Nigeria. In addition, the group's ability to manoeuvre and stage-manage the force of religion in achieving its objectives appears to be dangerously reinforced by the influence of political interests and elites. These multi-dimensional challenges continue to confound the Nigerian government, leaving it struggling to clearly define the problem and to devise a comprehensive strategy to prevent and counter it. This paper argues that the effective formulation and implementation of such a strategy requires an incisive understanding of the political, socio-economic and religious/ideological drivers of public support for Boko Haram. Enhanced knowledge of the recruitment dynamics that feed and sustain the group could particularly inform a more proactive counter-terrorism framework for the Nigerian state. This paper therefore presents the case for a thorough examination of the factors that have inspired public support for Boko Haram and the trajectory of the group's mobilisation of various forms of support in northern Nigeria. This study draws upon a considerable number of open sources and it acknowledges the general difficulty which research in the field of (counter-)terrorism encounters while trying to gather primary source data. In the case of Nigeria, this challenge is more apparent due to the manifold (and on-going) security risks involved in acquiring such data in the north-eastern zones of conflict. Nevertheless, the author of this paper has attempted to complement secondary sources with a modest blend of data obtained through interviews and research reports. Two central questions at the core of this study include: To what extent do socio-economic issues such as poverty and underdevelopment among youths, the role of religion, and political interests explain the motivations for public support for Boko Haram? Second, how can the existing leadership in Nigeria address the escalating crisis; and what role can institutional leadership at the local, national and regional levels play in addressing the problem? One of the theoretical considerations in this paper relates to the structural violence paradigm. Its suggestion of how economic deprivation, class discrimination and societal injustice prevent citizens from reaching their full potential helps to place in context the influence which socio-economic drivers exert on public support for Boko Haram. The awareness that a lack of economic, social and/or political development feeds into the structural factors conducive to terrorism is not new; it already played a prominent role in the first ever resolution adopted by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly (GA) on counter-terrorism in 1972 (GA Resolution 3034). In fact, the logic of the structural violence paradigm, as advocated by its chief proponent Johan Galtung, underscores how socio-cultural systems, political structures and state institutions act as indirect instigators of violence. Individual and group grievances, such as poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, discrimination, and economic marginalisation, can be used as mobilising instruments by sinister groups to find support and recruits for terrorist violence. The relevance of this can also be understood in terms of societal challenges that are increasingly being conceptualised within the framework of human security. As already noted, these issues collectively inform one of the central questions of this study primarily because of its causal link with the crisis context of northern Nigeria. While this is the case, the structural violence approach may very well lose some of its potency when evaluated based on the accounts of other country/conflict settings. Even in the Nigerian situation, and as this paper will further highlight, while structural violence helps to explain the motivations for public support for Boko Haram, it nonetheless remains inadequate as a single factor instigating the crisis. Indeed, not every Boko Haram member that has engaged in violence is socio-economically deprived. At the same time, not every socio-economically deprived individual will be motivated to lend support to acts of terror perpetrated by the group. Therefore, this study acknowledges that there will always be nuances reflected in varying contexts both within and outside the Nigerian case study. After briefly tracing the course of Boko Haram's emergence as a group, this paper will shed light on the bearing which political and elite interests may have exerted on public support for Boko Haram. Subsequently, the socio-economic context of the crisis will be examined with a view to determining the degree to which it incites public support for Boko Haram. Beyond these issues are other intervening variables that are frequently at play within the Nigerian state. The fifth section will focus on the most important among these, probing the catalytic role of religion and how this has been exploited by the group in generating mass appeal in the north. The sixth part will explore the often assumed external dimension of Boko Haram's activities within the context of weapons, terrorist funding and foreign fighters. The concluding sections will underscore what is instructive about the lessons emerging from the undercurrents of public support for the group, while also reflecting on implications for the development of more robust and concerted counter-terrorism policies. Details: The Hague: International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 2013. 20 p. Source: Internet Resource: ICCT Research Paper: Accessed July 14, 2014 at: http://www.icct.nl/download/file/ICCT-Olojo-Nigerias-Troubled-North-October-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Nigeria URL: http://www.icct.nl/download/file/ICCT-Olojo-Nigerias-Troubled-North-October-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 132671 Keywords: Boko HaramCounter-TerrorismExtremist GroupsRadical GroupsSocioeconomic Conditions TerrorismTerrorist Recruitment |
Author: International Labour Office Title: Profits and Poverty: The Economics of Forced Labour Summary: The global integration of economies, including labour markets, has brought many opportunities for workers and businesses. Despite the past years of economic crisis, it has generally spurred economic growth. However, the growth in the global economy has not been beneficial for all. Today, about 21 million men, women and children are in forced labour, trafficked, held in debt bondage or work in slave-like conditions. The publication of this new ILO report on the economics of forced labour takes the understanding of forced labour, human trafficking, and modern forms of slavery to a new level. It builds on earlier ILO studies on the extent, cost and profits from forced labour. For the first time, it looks at both the supply and demand sides of forced labour, and presents solid evidence for a correlation between forced labour and poverty. What's more, it provides startling new estimates of the illegal profits generated through the use of forced labour, as well as new evidence of the key socio-economic factors that increase the risk of falling victim to coercion and abuse. These new findings come as progress is being made in the struggle against forced labour. State-imposed forced labour is declining in importance when compared to the extent of forced labour in the private economy. Of course, vigilance is needed to prevent state-imposed forced labour from resurging. But attention must now be focused on understanding what continues to drive forced labour and trafficking in the private sector. Chapter 1 lays the groundwork for an understanding of forced labour and what it is, and examines the importance of defining forced labour and related practices, such as human trafficking and slavery. It reviews the global forced labour estimates published by the ILO in 2012, which were significantly higher than the ILO's earlier estimate. Chapter 2 examines the profits from forced labour. Using a new and expanded methodology and based on the 2012 Global Estimate, the report provides updated estimates of the global profits generated by forced labour. Chapter 3 provides a new analysis of the socio-economic factors that make people vulnerable to forced labour. Based on a series of ground-breaking country surveys that consider a range of different cohorts and factors, it highlights where forced labour is most likely to occur and provides a striking correlation between household vulnerability to sudden income shocks and the likelihood of ending up in forced labour. It also elucidates risk factors that can increase vulnerability to forced labour, such as poverty, lack of education, illiteracy, gender and migration. The results of this study serve to highlight the critical need for standardized data collection methods across countries that enable the ILO and other international organisations to generate more reliable global figures, measure trends and better understand risk factors. What's more, it also shows how understanding the socio-economic factors that increase a person's vulnerability to forced labour can help drive the development of new, more robust and concrete strategies that augment existing programmes. In addition, it calls for a strengthening of laws and policies based on normative responses and an expansion of preventive measures that can keep people out of forced labour. The report concludes that there is an urgent need to address the socio-economic root causes of this hugely profitable illegal practice if it is to be overcome. Comprehensive measures are required that involve governments, workers, employers and other stakeholders working together to end forced labour. It shows how the continued existence of forced labour is not only bad for its victims, it's bad for business and development as well. And it aptly illustrates that forced labour is a practice that has no place in modern society and should be eradicated as a matter of priority. Details: Geneva, ILO, 2014. 66p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 15, 2014 at: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_243391.pdf Year: 2014 Country: International URL: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_243391.pdf Shelf Number: 132678 Keywords: Cost Benefit AnalysisForced LaborHuman TraffickingPovertySocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: International Organization for Migration Title: Pilot Study: Tourist Marriage in Yemen Summary: Definition: For purpose of this research the authors define Tourist Marriage as a legal union between a Yemeni woman and a man from an Arabian Gulf country which was intended by the groom to be of a limited duration - a fact not clearly communicated to the parents, bride or Yemeni officials. Such marriages often occur during the summer months when there are significant tourists from Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC3) countries visiting Yemen. In Yemen, marriage is a formal relationship between two families with the primary purpose of legally producing children which impacts economic status in the immediate term with implications for future generations through inheritance rights. In Yemen's Personal Status Law 1992 (No. 20) provides the legal framework for this central, social institution. Modifications were made to the Personal Status Law in 19984 and in 1999 the minimum marriage age of 15 years was abolished. The amendment tied marital age to a provision allowing the guardian of a minor to marry her off on the condition that she is fit for sexual intercourse at the onset of puberty (interpreted by some more conservative perspectives to be at the age of nine). One aspect of the legal framework for marriage that has generated heated debate in recent years is contradictions between the Personal Status Law and Yemen's CEDAW obligations. A further law relevant to Tourist Marriage is the Nationality Law 1990 (No. 6) and its subsequent amendments. In 2010 the Parliament ratified an amendment to the Nationality Law (Article 3) which gave Yemeni women the right to confer citizenship to their children. Currently, a key driver of changing marriage patterns in Yemen is economics. Increasing costs for the various aspects of marriage in Yemen from the mahr to celebration costs, exacerbated by rising levels of poverty, food insecurity and numbers of conflict-affected populations are all contributing to transforming marriage in Yemen. Poverty rose dramatically from 42 per cent of the population in 2009, to 54.5 per cent in 2012 and food insecurity has increased dramatically. As a result of increasing poverty and rising marriage costs, marriage traditions are transforming. Increasing incidence of mass marriages, consanguineous marriages and shegar marriages are all trends that are heavily influenced by the deteriorating economic situation in Yemen. A further marital trend in Yemen that bears relevance to this study is the issue of early marriage which has gained increasing urgency in Yemen due to increasing levels of poverty exacerbated by long-term displacements as a result of conflict. Among increasingly economically vulnerable Yemenis and conflict-affected populations in the country, one coping strategy has been marrying off girls at a younger and younger age. This practice has perceived benefits to family honour among internally displaced persons (IDPs) and provides the desperately poor with some financial benefits. Following up on NDC recommendations, on 27 April 2014, the Legal Affairs Minister Mohammad Makhlafi submitted to Prime Minister Mohammad Basindawa a draft amendment to the Child Rights Law (2002) which would establish 18 as the minimum marriage age. The practice of temporary marriage dates to pre-Islamic times and was accepted under certain conditions when the first Muslims were away from their homes for extensive periods of time, although it has often been a practice which generated heated religious and social disputes on its legality within Islamic law and its cultural impact. Anecdotal evidence suggests that there is an increase in temporary marriages in Muslim countries. Currently, all Yemeni madhahib (doctrines - singular madhhab) condemn the above mentioned practices of temporary marriage including Shafi'i (Sunni), Zaydi (Shi'a) and Ismaili (Shi'a - with an estimated 60,000 Yemeni Dawoodis, more commonly known as Bohras). The practice of Tourist Marriage emerged as a significant trend in the media between 2005 and 2007. In 2003 the first of four Government official decrees and memos was issued by the Ministry of Interior (MOI) and Ministry of Justice (MOJ) to regulate Mixed Marriage (defined as a marriage between a Yemeni national and a non-Yemeni). This implies that the practice of Tourist Marriage preceded 2003, possibly going back to 2000. While it is clear that Ibb has had significantly high numbers of Tourist Marriage and, to a lesser degree al-Hodeida, this research found allegations of the practice in the Governorates of Hajja, Taiz, Sana'a, Rayma and Aden, as well as evidence of relative frequency of the practice in Hadramout, where there has been very limited media attention. Based on interviews for this pilot study, key nationalities of Gulf men engaging in Tourist Marriage include: Saudi men in Ibb, al-Hodeida and some in Hadramout; Omani men in Hadramout (al-Sahil, al-Wadi and foremost in Tarim); and Emirati men in Ibb and a few reported incidents in Hadramout. The phenomenon of Tourist Marriage has a key economic dimension. For young, uneducated and rural women from poor families, Tourist Marriage, along with other types of Mixed Marriage, are often seen as addressing a number of economic and social issues. The shorter-term benefits include protecting the honour of the young woman and her family and addressing poverty. The longer-term logic of such a marriage includes having kin with legal residence (and hopefully citizenship) outside of Yemen, as well as producing legitimate heirs. Unfortunately, the reality is that Tourist Marriage does not further any longer-term strategies and causes grave harm and trauma for the young brides. In the 2005 Ibb University Workshop, a number of papers were presented which hypothesized the factors behind the spread of Tourist Marriage in Ibb. The consensus in this workshop was that Tourist Marriage constitutes a warping of the notion of marriage from a bond between a husband and a wife recognized by society into a deceptive opportunity to have legally sanctioned sexual relations with a woman. Workshop participants also agreed that the parents of the brides in Tourist Marriages sincerely believed that the union in marriage is not temporary, hence the mahr costs are very close to "market rates," namely equivalent to amounts that would be requested from any potential Yemeni grooms. The impact of Tourist Marriage is particularly devastating on young girls who fall prey to the practice with regards to their reproductive health, psychological well-being, educational aspirations and emotional development. While some of the "wives" in Tourist Marriage may receive divorce papers from their former husbands, many do not. A study conducted in 2005 by Dr Fuad Hamoud al-Shibami, a professor at Ibb University, with 40 brides of Tourist Marriage from Ibb governorate found that 35 per cent were ages 15-19 and 38 per cent ages 20-24, with 92.5 per cent from urban areas and 7.5 per cent from rural communities. Tourist Marriage as assessed in this pilot study can be prime facie categorized as human trafficking, due to deception on the part of the groom and the Marriage Broker about the "temporary" nature of the marriage for the sole purpose of sexual exploitation. The deception is perpetuated by the father or male guardian negotiating the marriage contract, the family of the bride to be, as well as the bride who will soon be robbed of her virginity. Others may be in collusion with the deception, such as the Akil al-Hara, the Marriage Judge and the khatba connecting families to Gulf men seeking to marry. However, each case would need to be examined to determine collaborators to the deception and if sexual exploitation occurred. Details: Sana'a, Yemen: International Organization for Migration, 2014. 74p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2015 at: http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/Tourist_Marriage_Yemen.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Yemen URL: http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/Tourist_Marriage_Yemen.pdf Shelf Number: 136968 Keywords: Child MarriagesHuman TraffickingMarriagesSexual ExploitationSocioeconomic ConditionsTourist Marriage |
Author: Bennett, Will Title: Summary: Osh, Kyrgyzstan is still working through some of the structural drivers of the 2010 conflict that destroyed 2,677 buildings, displaced 80,000 people, and left approximately 500 people dead. The majority were ethnic Uzbeks, victims of the longstanding anger between themselves and the majority ethnic Kyrgyz. It is an event not yet consigned to history. Ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks live in largely segregated areas, mixing infrequently and increasing the potential for mistrust and violence. Justice is difficult to access and of questionable quality in Osh, and this is likely to have ongoing repercussions for peace and security. Much rests upon the ability of recently elected parliamentarians to understand and address people's underlying social, economic and political grievances. This report is based on research carried out in Osh, looking at the links between injustice and violence. One group of interviewees' conclusion that "there is no fairness in Osh" matches the overall findings of this research. Women and minorities suffer most. Inequality is becoming more noticeable. Land shortages cause domestic overcrowding, contributing to poverty and poor health. Kyrgyzstanis are 'tolerant' but not limitlessly so, and the fear is that with each experience of injustice the potential for even further social division, withdrawal, and violence increases. As such, reducing people's daily experiences of injustice is vital for peace in Osh. The report recommends that efforts should be made to address: - social injustices at the heart of youth disaffection and rejection of the state - bureaucratic opacity and people's unawareness of how to access services, including welfare and birth registration - the full social and political inclusion of marginalised groups, including women, ethnic minorities and people living with disabilities - corruption and transparency among security and justice providers to strengthen public access and confidence - land provision for overcrowded families who risk slipping further into poverty - peace and rights education at schools to ensure young people understand their entitlements and responsibilities Details: London: Saferworld, 2016. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/view-resource/1050-ldquoeverything-can-be-tolerated-ndash-except-injusticerdquo Year: 2016 Country: Kyrgyzstan URL: http://www.saferworld.org.uk/resources/view-resource/1050-ldquoeverything-can-be-tolerated-ndash-except-injusticerdquo Shelf Number: 138574 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemsSocioeconomic ConditionsViolence |
Author: Khanal, Kabi Raj Title: Who Supports Violent Extremism in Developing Countries? Analysis of Attitudes Based on Value Surveys Summary: What are the common characteristics among radicalized individuals, willing to justify attacks targeting civilians? Drawing on information on attitudes toward extreme violence and other characteristics of 30,787 individuals from 27 developing countries around the world, and employing a variety of econometric techniques, this paper identifies the partial correlates of extremism. The results suggest that the typical extremist who supports attacks against civilians is more likely to be young, unemployed and struggling to make ends meet, relatively uneducated, and not as religious as others, but more willing to sacrifice own life for his or her beliefs. Gender and marital status are not found to explain significantly the individual-level variation in attitudes toward extremism. Although these results may vary in magnitude and significance across countries and geographic regions, they are robust to various sensitivity analyses. Details: Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2016. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Research Working Paper No. 7691: Accessed July 11, 2016 at: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/06/02/090224b08438a637/2_0/Rendered/PDF/Who0supports0v0sed0on0value0surveys.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2016/06/02/090224b08438a637/2_0/Rendered/PDF/Who0supports0v0sed0on0value0surveys.pdf Shelf Number: 139576 Keywords: Extremist Extremist Groups Radical Groups Radicalization Socioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Kejerfors, Johan Title: Parenting in Urban Slum Areas: Families with Children in a Shantytown of Rio de Janeiro Summary: This is a study of parenting and child development in a slum area in a developing part of the world. The aims of the study were threefold. The first aim was to explore the physical and social contexts for parenting in a shantytown in Rio de Janeiro using an ecological perspective. The second aim was to examine parenting and subsequent child outcomes among a sample of families living in the shantytown. The third aim was to explore what factors contribute to differences among parents in how they nurture and protect their children. The theoretical framework of the study was an updated version of Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model of human development. Using self-report questionnaires developed by Rohner, data on perceived parental acceptance-rejection were collected from 72 families with adolescents 12-14 years old, representing approx. 75% of all households with children in this age group in the shantytown. Besides self-report questionnaires, each adolescent's main caregiver replied to several standardized questionnaires developed by Garbarino et al., eliciting demographic and social- situational data about the family, neighborhood, and wider community. The results of the study paint a complex portrait of the social living conditions of the parents and children. Despite many difficulties, most parents seemed to raise their children with loving care. The results from the self-report questionnaires indicate that the majority of the adolescents perceived substantial parental acceptance. The adolescents' experience of greater or lesser parental acceptance-rejection seems to influence their emotional and behavioral functioning; it also seems to be related to their school attendance. Much of the variation in degree of perceived acceptance-rejection seems to be related both to characteristics of the individual adolescents and their main caregiver(s) and to influences from the social and environmental context in which they and their caregivers interact and live their lives. Details: Stockholm: Stockholm University Department of Social Work, 2007. 246p. Source: Internet Resource: Studies in International Social Work, 1651-0291 ; 7Accessed April 21, 2017 at: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:197529/FULLTEXT01.pdf Year: 2007 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:197529/FULLTEXT01.pdf Shelf Number: 145066 Keywords: At-Risk YouthParentingPovertySlumsSocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Chowdry, Haroon Title: Disadvantage, Behaviour and Cognitive Outcomes: Longitudinal Analysis from Age 5 to 16 Summary: The importance of children's social and emotional skills for life outcomes is well established, as is the link between these skills and family income. The combination of both of these can serve to entrench the cycle of inter-generational disadvantage. Previous work has shown that poorer children exhibit more behavioural and emotional problems on average than their wealthier peers, and that this gap appears early in childhood; less is known about the reasons why this might be and how long it persists for. There is also limited evidence on what might drive the interplay between early behaviour and later cognitive skills such as literacy and numeracy. In this report we present findings from new research on the following questions: (1) What is the relationship between economic disadvantage and child behavioural and emotional problems? Our analysis shows that there is a higher prevalence of behavioural and emotional problems among disadvantaged children. We also find that this discrepancy can be fully accounted for by differences in maternal psychological well-being and parental education. This does not mean that economic disadvantage does not matter. However, it does suggest that it is factors associated with disadvantage, rather than economic disadvantage itself, that lead to the social gradient in child behavioural and emotional problems. Poor maternal psychological well-being explains around half of the socioeconomic disparity in behavioural and emotional problems. However, its association with these problems is only present in low- medium-income families, and the effect is strongest for children in poverty. This suggests that higher family income (or factors associated with it) may act as a protective factor against the risks from poor maternal psychological well-being, or that factors associated with poverty may amplify those risks. There is a lower incidence of behavioural and emotional problems in children with highly educated parents. It is likely that parental education is capturing a range of influences, such as the quality of parenting, of the home learning environment and of parent-child interactions. All of these factors may contribute to children's socio‐ emotional development and behaviour throughout childhood. (2) How do child behavioural and emotional problems influence later cognitive skills and attainment? Children with higher levels of behavioural and emotional problems at age 5 do less well, on average, in cognitive assessments - specifically, literacy and numeracy scores - at age 10 and age 16. This correlation remains, but to a lesser extent, after taking into account other individual and family factors that may contribute to this relationship. For example, parental education and maternal psychological well-being together explain half of the correlation between age 5 behavioural and emotional problems and age 10 cognitive skills. There is a statistically significant link between behavioural and emotional problems at age 5 and cognitive scores at age 16. However, this is fully explained when we control for cognitive scores and behavioural and emotional problems at age 10. In other words, after this is taken into account, there is no independent link between behavioural and emotional problems at age 5 and cognitive skills at age 16. One potential way to interpret this is that early childhood behavioural and emotional problems need not present a risk for future educational attainment if they can be turned around by age 10. Higher parental education is associated with higher cognitive scores, even after taking into account earlier cognitive scores and behaviours. This may reflect ongoing features of the home environment or parenting style that continue to influence children's learning and ability even into adolescence. Our findings highlight the interplay between cognitive and non‐cognitive outcomes, and the family-level factors that may contribute to these outcomes. Parental education and poor maternal well-being contribute to higher behavioural and emotional problems and lower cognitive scores, especially in early childhood. Behavioural and emotional problems at age 5 then contribute to behavioural and emotional problems and lower cognitive scores at age 10, which in turn contribute to lower cognitive scores at 16. As a result these factors can cast 'long shadows' into adolescence and early adulthood, if unaddressed through interventions or additional support. Details: London: Early Prevention Foundation, 2017. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 29, 2017 at: http://www.eif.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/disadvantage-behaviour-cognitive_Mar2017.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.eif.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/disadvantage-behaviour-cognitive_Mar2017.pdf Shelf Number: 145200 Keywords: Anti-Social BehaviorAt-Risk YouthCognitive SkillsDelinquency PreventionDisadvantaged YouthEmotional DevelopmentSocioeconomic Conditions |
Author: Blackman, Kate Title: Gangs and Development in El Salvador Summary: As crime and violence are increasingly recognized as barriers to development, the global gang phenomenon is also becoming a concern. El Salvador boasts one of the most extreme examples of gang violence in the world. Gangs represent a significant portion of youth perpetuating crime and violence on a large scale thereby inhibiting economic, political, and human development. Due to the myriad of ways gangs barricade development, research is imperative for improving endeavours to cease their continuity. In this thesis, I will examine efforts of prevention, suppression and integration employed to address gangs. I will show that the gangs in El Salvador are a product of underdevelopment. Drawing from the experiences of the youth, we will see that the gangs provide basic needs for young people when unable to attain conventional success. Thus, in order to address gangs, development must be addressed. Details: Halifax, Nova Scotia: Saint Mary's University, 2014. 137p. Source: Internet Resource: Thesis: Accessed February 5, 2019 at: http://library2.smu.ca/handle/01/26276#.XFmqaVxKjcs Year: 2014 Country: El Salvador URL: http://library2.smu.ca/handle/01/26276#.XFmqaVxKjcs Shelf Number: 154495 Keywords: Economic Development Gang Violence Gangs Socioeconomic ConditionsViolence |